Something deeply troubling occurred in Gwinnett County on May 28–29, 2026, during the training held for executive administrators.

During the training sessions, the curriculum, presentation slides, and facilitating speakers actively advanced, promoted, and encouraged concepts that attribute structural guilt, moral deficiency, and behavioral categorization to individuals based strictly on race. Specifically, the training violated the statutory restriction against race stereotyping, race scapegoating, and the promotion of the concept that an individual or systemic structure is inherently racist or oppressive toward individuals of another race.

Discriminatory and Divisive Presentation Materials

The presentation slides explicitly featured ideologies that categorize individuals and institutional frameworks into racial hierarchies of dominance and oppression. Examples include, but are not limited to, the following written text displayed to district leadership:

“Minoritization emphasizes the structural and historical processes that marginalize and oppress group members.”

“Whiteness refers to structural arrangements and ideologies of race dominance. Whiteness is not the same as white people.”

A presentation slide titled “Direct vs. Indirect Exclusionary Practices” explicitly coded behaviors and professional standards along racial lines, attributing accountability issues to racial groups rather than objective standards. The slide categorized the following as “Indirect Exclusionary Practices”:

• “Not valuing non-white behaviors”

• “Unwelcoming or hostile treatment”

• “Constant criticism”

• “Allowing student disengagement within the classroom”

Divisive Content Espoused by Facilitating Speakers

In addition to the visual materials, the facilitating speakers made verbal statements that explicitly segregated understanding, professional capability, and cultural behaviors based entirely on race:

• “What difference does the behavior make if they are passing the class?” (This statement directly undermines professional and character expectations grounded in hard work and behavior, framing standard discipline as an exclusionary practice.)

• “Gang behavior is cultural and whites don’t understand it.” (This statement directly engages in race stereotyping and scapegoating by explicitly claiming that individuals of a certain race lack the capacity to understand specific behaviors based solely on their race.)

Dr. Muhammad Khalifa: Background and Prior Controversies

The training was provided by the group Culturally Responsive School Leadership and presented by Dr. Muhammad Khalifa, Professor of Educational Administration and Executive Director of Urban and Rural Initiatives at The Ohio State University. Dr. Khalifa is also President of the Culturally Responsive School Leadership Institute (CRSLI).

His work has previously come under scrutiny. According to a report from the Minnesota news outlet Alpha News (August 5, 2021), “Teachers Participate in Training That Compares Suspension to Slavery,” he drew intense criticism for his equity training programs in several Minnesota public school districts. In 2019, Eastern Carver County Schools hired him for nearly $90,000 in equity work. A parent-led investigation documented in the following Alpha News video further exposed these activities:

Alpha News Investigation – YouTube Video

Training Materials and Ideological Content

Training materials from Khalifa’s Culturally Responsive School Leadership Academy urge teachers to examine how school practices connect to America’s colonial and oppressive history, equating the “containment of Black bodies on enslavement plantations” with sending Black students to in-school suspension, while listing “expressions of whiteness” such as fragility, normalcy, and niceness. Infographics from his group explicitly seek to “challenge Whiteness and hegemonic epistemologies in schools” and claim that “Christianity was used as an excuse to classify Africans and indigenous peoples as ‘non-human,’” asserting that this thinking still drives the dehumanization of minoritized students today.

The 2017 Pamphlet: “Islamophobia and Christian Privilege”

In his widely criticized 2017 pamphlet “Islamophobia and Christian Privilege: What Educators Must Know” (published via the Great Lakes Equity Center), Khalifa frames Christianity as carrying dominant “privilege” in U.S. society and schools, contrasting it with Islam as a comprehensive “way of life”—unlike Western religions, which he portrays as more privatized and less comprehensive. He instructs educators to:

• Recognize and confront “Christian privilege” (e.g., holidays, epistemologies, and cultural norms rooted in Christianity).

• Actively “infuse curriculum and school activities with intellectual traditions that originate in the Muslim World.”

Critics, including the Child Protection League (CPL) and parent watchdog organizations, accuse Khalifa’s academy of promoting anti-Christian indoctrination in public schools by framing Christianity as a source of historical oppression and “privilege,” while simultaneously elevating Islamic traditions.

The Yaqeen Institute Connection

Khalifa also serves as a Senior Fellow at the Yaqeen Institute, an Islamic think tank founded in 2016 in Irving, Texas, by Dr. Omar Suleiman. Suleiman has attracted significant controversy for statements including calling Zionists “the enemies of God,” likening Israel to Nazis, and labeling “apartheid Israel” as terrorists. Critics from Islamist Watch (Middle East Forum), Muslim Skeptic (Daniel Haqiqatjou), and academic watchdogs portray Suleiman and the Yaqeen Institute as advancing a sophisticated Islamist agenda in the West. A detailed analysis is available here: Middle East Forum – “Omar Suleiman: Islamist Reincarnation of Father Coughlin”.

Suleiman is accused of using polished, “woke”-infused rhetoric on social justice, anti-Islamophobia, and Palestine to mainstream Islamist priorities—including reviving a transnational Muslim ummah (community) and pro-caliphate sentiments—while downplaying clashes with Western values.

The Institute for Social Policy and Understanding (ISPU) and Islamist Associations

Dr. Khalifa is also listed as a scholar and expert on the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding (ISPU) website. Notably, the ISPU has appeared on the Middle East Forum’s Islamist Watch list. A detailed analysis can be found here: Middle East Forum – “Misunderstanding American Islam”.

Several of the ISPU’s project partners and sponsors have significant Islamist associations:

• IIIT (International Institute of Islamic Thought), CAIR (Council on American-Islamic Relations), and ISNA (Islamic Society of North America) are described as longstanding radical institutions, each originally founded by activists tied to Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood—a foundational Islamist movement and the parent organization of Hamas. All three have faced accusations of terror finance connections and have been repeatedly criticized by Muslim reformists for their extremist ties.

• ICNA (Islamic Circle of North America) is identified as the North American branch of Jamaat-e-Islami, a violent South Asian Islamist movement. In 2017, one of ICNA’s subsidiaries was caught partnering with Lashkar-e-Taiba, a designated Pakistani terrorist organization.

The Ummatics Network and Broader Islamist Infrastructure Concerns

Dr. Khalifa is also associated with a group called Ummatics, which is linked to figures such as Ovamir Anjum and Omar Suleiman of Yaqeen. Watchdog organizations, including the Middle East Forum, characterize Ummatics as intellectualizing long-term Islamist goals—shifting loyalties toward the Ummah, normalizing Sharia-inspired governance ideas, and using civil rights language to expand influence. Ovamir Anjum, who is affiliated with both the Ummatics Institute and the Yaqeen Institute, co-founded Ummatics to promote what its proponents call “ummatic” thinking—the prioritization of the global Muslim ummah over nation-state loyalties—through research on Islamic governance, economics, and renewal. Critics characterize this as a form of soft Islamism that gradually undermines loyalty to Western liberal democracies and advances the re-Islamization of politics through intellectual and institutional channels.

Critics identify three overarching concerns regarding this broader network:

• Ideological Infrastructure: Groups like Ummatics are seen as building the intellectual architecture for long-term Islamist goals, normalizing Sharia-inspired governance ideas while using civil rights language to expand institutional influence.

• Demographic and Ideological Synergy: Combined with Muslim population growth and prominent organizations such as CAIR and ISNA, “ummatic” thought could foster parallel societies or political blocs prioritizing Islamic solidarity—a dynamic already visible in cities such as Hamtramck, Michigan, Paterson, New Jersey, and on college campuses.

• “Civilizational Jihad” Echoes: Critics link this network to older Muslim Brotherhood strategies of building influence through education, advocacy, and institutions rather than direct confrontation—a concept sometimes referred to as “civilizational jihad.”

Upcoming Keynote Appearance and Legal Concerns Under Georgia Law

What is perhaps most troubling is that Dr. Khalifa is scheduled to appear as a keynote speaker at the upcoming Summer Leadership Conference for all levels of administrators at GCPS, where his audience will number approximately 1,100 employees. This raises a serious question: why is taxpayer money being spent on presentations rooted in radical Islamist ideology and Critical Race Theory, particularly when Georgia law explicitly prohibits such content?

Georgia’s primary state law restricting Critical Race Theory and related “divisive concepts” in K–12 schools is House Bill 1084 (HB 1084), known as the “Protect Students First Act,” signed into law by Governor Brian Kemp on April 28, 2022. HB 1084 prohibits schools, teachers, and mandatory training programs from promoting nine specific “divisive concepts.” The law applies to curriculum, classroom instruction, and staff training, and explicitly bans content asserting that:

● One race is inherently superior to another.

● The United States or the State of Georgia is fundamentally racist or sexist.

● Individuals bear collective guilt or should feel anguish based on their race.

● Meritocracy or traits such as hard work are inherently racist or sexist.

The training delivered by Dr. Khalifa on May 28–29, 2026, and the content he is expected to present at the Summer Leadership Conference, appear to be in direct conflict with the prohibitions established under HB 1084. Gwinnett County school leadership and Georgia Department of Education leadership must answer why a speaker whose materials promote exactly the divisive concepts that Georgia law forbids has been invited to address more than a thousand district employees at taxpayer expense—and must immediately cancel his engagement as a keynote speaker in any public school setting.

References

1. Alpha News – “Teachers Participate in Training That Compares Suspension to Slavery” (August 5, 2021)

https://alphanews.org/teachers-participate-in-training-that-compares-suspension-to-slavery/

2. Alpha News – “Eastern Carver Co. Schools Exposed” [Video Investigation] (2019)

3. Middle East Forum (Islamist Watch) – “Omar Suleiman: Islamist Reincarnation of Father Coughlin”

https://www.meforum.org/fwi/fwi-research/special-report-omar-suleiman-islamist-reincarnation-of-father-coughlin

4. Middle East Forum (Islamist Watch) – “Misunderstanding American Islam” (ISPU / Islamist Watch)

https://www.meforum.org/islamist-watch/misunderstanding-american-islam-62673

5. Middle East Forum – “Guide to American Islamism” (PDF)

https://www.meforum.org/documents/Guide-to-American-Islamism.pdf

6. Counter Extremism Project – “Muslim Brotherhood” Threat Profile

https://www.counterextremism.com/threat/muslim-brotherhood

7. Middle East Forum (Islamist Watch) – “Catalogue of ICNA Links to Jamaat-e-Islami”

https://www.meforum.org/islamist-watch/57929/catalogue-of-icna-links-to-jamaat-e-islami

8. Morning Consult – “A South Asian Threat in America” (ICNA / Lashkar-e-Taiba)

https://morningconsult.com/opinions/a-south-asian-threat-in-america/

9. Institute for Social Policy and Understanding (ISPU) – Mosque Survey 2020 (Partners & Sponsors)

https://www.ispu.org/report-1-mosque-survey-2020/

Exhibit: Pre-Work Guide – Culturally Responsive School Leadership Institute (CRSLI)

The following “Pre-Work Guide” PDF from the Culturally Responsive School Leadership Institute (CRSLI) was distributed to educators participating in Khalifa’s academies or workshops. The excerpt below reproduces the opening pages of this 109-page document and serves as documentary evidence of the ideological framework and reading materials actively promoted to school district staff.

Pre-Work Guide: Culturally Responsive School Leadership

Contents

Introduction ……………………………………………………………… 2

At a Glance: Reflection Questions …………………………………………… 3

Reflections on the Readings ……………………………………………………… 4

Articles & Chapters ………………………………………………………………… 8

Khalifa (2018) ……………………………………………………………………… 9

Khalifa et al. (2014) ………………………………………………………………… 47

Summary: Khalifa et al. (2014) …………………………………………………… 82

Khalifa (2011) ……………………………………………………………………… 83

Introduction

What is “pre-work” and why does the Culturally Responsive School Leadership Institute encourage it?

This workshop is designed to build on participants’ prior thinking and experiences. To support meaningful engagement, participants are asked to complete pre-work in advance. While this may differ from some professional learning formats, reviewing key materials ahead of time helps ensure you arrive prepared to engage in rigorous learning, with a shared foundation in the essential understandings and practices that will be explored.

The pre-work includes selected readings from scholarly articles, as well as the introduction to Culturally Responsive School Leadership (Khalifa, 2018). Guiding questions are provided to support your reading and reflection. These are not intended as a written assignment, but as a tool to help you prepare for deeper engagement with the learning experiences during the workshop. We recognize that these questions are not exhaustive. Participants will bring their own perspectives, experiences, and insights to the work.

We hope these readings help foreground foundational understandings of culturally responsive school leadership and support your learning throughout the workshop.

Prework Readings

Find all of the following texts within this document:

● Khalifa, M. A. (2011). Teacher expectations and principal behavior: Responding to teacher acquiescence. The Urban Review, 43(5), 702–727.

● Khalifa, M. A., Jennings, M. E., Briscoe, F., Oleszweski, A. M., & Abdi, N. (2014). Racism? Administrative and community perspectives in data-driven decision making: Systemic perspectives versus technical-rational perspectives. Urban Education, 49(2), 147–181.

● Khalifa, M. (2018). Culturally responsive school leadership. Harvard Education Press.

At a Glance: Reflection Questions

This document includes pages where you can write your reflections on each of the readings, but for convenience, we also provide all of the reflection questions by reading below.

Introduction: Culturally Responsive School Leadership (Khalifa, 2018)

● How is oppression reproduced in schools? What are the responsibilities of school leaders in addressing this reproduction?

● Why must culturally responsive school leaders learn about the neighborhood and family histories around the schools in which they work?

● How is settler colonialism related to education and leadership?

● How are histories and perceptions of minoritized students connected to deficit discourses? What roles do school leaders play in this?

Racism? Administrative and Community Perspectives in Data-Driven Decision Making: Systemic Perspectives Versus Technical-Rational Perspectives (Khalifa et al., 2014)

● How did community members describe the role and importance of the school in their neighborhood? What did they see as being at stake in the closure? How does this compare to how school leaders interpreted the situation?

● What forms of knowledge or evidence seemed to carry the most weight for each group (e.g., data, financial considerations, lived experience, history, relationships, community impact)?

● How does this case challenge traditional ideas about the role of school leaders? In what ways might culturally responsive leadership require a different approach to decision-making, particularly in relation to community perspectives?

Teacher Expectations and Principal Behavior: Responding to Teacher Acquiescence (Khalifa, 2011)

● What is your understanding of “deal-making” as it is described in the article?

● When, where, and how have you seen, experienced, or participated in the kind of deal-making described in the article?

● How might deal-making and teacher acquiescence contribute to broader patterns of exclusionary practices in schools?

● What leadership practices can disrupt deal-making, teacher acquiescence, and more subtle or classroom-based forms of low expectations and exclusion?

Reflections on the Readings

Culturally Responsive School Leadership Institute

Reading Reflection – Book: Introduction: Culturally Responsive School Leadership (Khalifa, 2018)

Notes / Guiding Questions:

● How is oppression reproduced in schools? What are the responsibilities of school leaders in addressing this reproduction?

● Why must culturally responsive school leaders learn about the neighborhood and family histories around the schools in which they work?

● How is settler colonialism related to education and leadership?

● How are histories and perceptions of minoritized students connected to deficit discourses? What roles do school leaders play in this?

Reading Reflection – Article: Racism? Administrative and Community Perspectives in Data-Driven Decision Making (Khalifa et al., 2014)

Notes / Guiding Questions:

● How did community members describe the role and importance of the school in their neighborhood? What did they see as being at stake in the closure? How does this compare to how school leaders interpreted the situation?

● What forms of knowledge or evidence seemed to carry the most weight for each group (e.g., data, financial considerations, lived experience, history, relationships, community impact)?

● How does this case challenge traditional ideas about the role of school leaders? In what ways might culturally responsive leadership require a different approach to decision-making, particularly in relation to community perspectives?

Reading Reflection – Article: Teacher Expectations and Principal Behavior: Responding to Teacher Acquiescence (Khalifa, 2011)

Notes / Guiding Questions:

● What is your understanding of “deal-making” as it is described in the article?

● When, where, and how have you seen, experienced, or participated in the kind of deal-making described in the article?

● How might deal-making and teacher acquiescence contribute to broader patterns of exclusionary practices in schools?

● What leadership practices can disrupt deal-making, teacher acquiescence, and more subtle or classroom-based forms of low expectations and exclusion?

Articles & Chapters – Khalifa (2018): Introduction

Leaders who do not act dialogically, but insist on imposing their decisions, do not organize the people—they manipulate them. They do not liberate, nor are they liberated: they oppress.

—Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed

Something deeply troubling is unfolding on the campus of Georgia Tech: the steady spread of pro-Hamas, anti-American propaganda, driven by the activities of the MSA (Muslim Student Association). Consider the most recent example. On April 27, an exhibition was announced with the backing of the Georgia Tech Library — an institution of academic standing lending its name and resources to the effort. The library’s own Instagram account, gtlibrary, was actively promoting the “Humanity in Crisis” exhibition, which ran daily through May 20. The library described it as “student created work,” adding that it was “proud to partner with such a worthwhile effort.”

Let’s take a closer look on some of the slides. According to one on Palestine: “Since 1948, Palestinian sovereignty has faced continuous attack by Israeli settlements. Israel has decimated the Gaza Strip by airstrikes and a blockade on food and medicine, while the West Bank endures constant raids and harassment. With a Phase 5 Famine in effect and entire bloodlines erased, 72,135 Palestinians have been killed and 1.9 million displaced.”

Fig. 1 — The Palestine panel at the Georgia Tech Library “Humanity in Crisis” exhibition, showing the overview text quoted above.

Fig. 2 — Wider view of the Palestine exhibition wall, showing the same text alongside a world map and an Al Jazeera quote panel at right.

A closer look at the slides reveals claims that don’t hold up to historical or legal scrutiny.

Take the assertion about 1948. In reality, there was no internationally recognized sovereign Palestinian state at that time. Following the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the West Bank fell under Jordanian control, while the Gaza Strip was administered by Egypt — not Israel. The claim that Israeli settlements began in 1948 is equally misleading. Large-scale settlement activity only began after the 1967 Six-Day War, when Israel captured those territories.

The exhibition’s framing of Israeli airstrikes in Gaza omits a critical fact: those strikes came in direct response to the Hamas attack of October 7, 2023 — one of the deadliest attacks on Jewish people since the Holocaust — in which Hamas abducted 250 hostages. What is presented as unprovoked aggression was, in fact, a military response to an active hostage crisis and mass atrocity.

On the blockade: Israel and Egypt have maintained varying levels of restrictions on Gaza since Hamas seized control of the territory in 2007. That context — Hamas governance, not Israeli aggression alone — is conspicuously absent from the exhibition’s narrative.

Perhaps even more revealing is how the exhibition characterizes ISIS. The slide describes the organization merely as a “militant group that expanded during the war and still exploits insecurity.” That description is, at best, a dramatic understatement — and at worst, deliberate minimization of one of the most brutal terrorist organizations in modern history.

Fig. 3 — The Syria “Key Information” interactive screen at the exhibition, which describes ISIS only as a “militant group that expanded during the war.”

The facts tell a very different story. ISIS — the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, also known as ISIL, Daesh, or the Islamic State — is a designated terrorist organization, officially recognized as such by the United Nations, the United States, the European Union, and governments across the world.

“Israel - Has exchanged cross-border fire with armed groups in Lebanon and carried out attacks during the current escalation.”

That single sentence, displayed as fact in an exhibition proudly co-sponsored by the Georgia Tech Library, contains no fewer than four significant distortions — each one carefully constructed to obscure responsibility, erase context, and reframe a designated terrorist organization’s deliberate aggression as a mutual border dispute.

Start with the language: “armed groups in Lebanon.” Those groups have a name. Hezbollah is a Lebanon-based organization designated as a terrorist group by the United States, the European Union, the United Kingdom, the Arab League, and governments across the world. It is not an anonymous collection of local fighters. It is a heavily armed, Iranian-funded military and political organization with an explicit ideological commitment to Israel’s destruction — and it has held that commitment for decades.

Then there is the timeline — which the slide erases entirely. Hezbollah did not act independently or spontaneously. Within days of the October 7, 2023 Hamas massacre — in which 1,200 Israelis were killed and 250 taken hostage in one of the deadliest attacks on Jewish people since the Holocaust — Hezbollah deliberately opened a second front against Israel from the north. Rockets, anti-tank missiles, and drone strikes began raining into Israeli territory. Entire communities along Israel’s northern border were evacuated. Tens of thousands of Israeli civilians were displaced from their homes for months on end.

This was not coincidence. Hezbollah is a cornerstone of what U.S. officials and regional analysts have long called Iran’s “Axis of Resistance” — a strategic network of armed proxies spanning Lebanon, Gaza, Yemen, Syria, and Iraq, funded, trained, and directed by Tehran with one overarching goal: to encircle and destroy Israel. Following October 7th, Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Iranian-backed Houthis of Yemen all escalated their attacks in a pattern that strongly suggests coordinated strategy, not independent action.

And yet the slide describes all of this as Israel having “exchanged cross-border fire” — language that implies equivalence, mutuality, and shared responsibility. It assigns no aggressor. It names no terrorist organization. It mentions no hostages, no evacuated Israeli towns, no Iranian paymaster. It describes Israel as having “carried out attacks during the current escalation” — as though Israel’s military response materialized from nowhere, untethered from the largest massacre of Jewish people in decades.

This is not imprecision. Imprecision is accidentally omitting a date or misspelling a name. What appears on this slide are systematic editorial choices — every omission pointing in the same direction, every vague phrase serving the same narrative. In a university library, on slides presented to students as educational material, that is not a minor academic failing.

A single slide near the end of the exhibition offers perhaps the most telling window into its true nature. Under the heading “Palestine Resources,” students are directed to four sources: Al Jazeera, B’Tselem, 972 Magazine, and UNRWA. Presented as educational references in an academic setting, each of these organizations carries a controversial and, in some cases, deeply troubling record that the exhibition makes no effort to disclose.

Fig. 4 — The “Palestine Sources” reference hub screen at the exhibition, listing aljazeera.com, 972mag.com, btselem.org, and unrwa.org as its sole recommended resources.

Start with Al Jazeera. Founded in 1996 and funded by the Qatari government, Al Jazeera is not an independent news organization in any meaningful sense — it is a state media outlet whose editorial direction reflects the geopolitical interests of Doha. Qatar has maintained an open financial and political relationship with Hamas, hosting its senior leadership on Qatari soil for years. Al Jazeera’s coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been widely criticized by media analysts, foreign governments, and journalism watchdogs for systematic bias, omission of Hamas atrocities, and the amplification of Palestinian militant narratives. The network is not a fringe controversy. It has been banned or restricted in Israel, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Bahrain, and Jordan — a rare coalition of both Arab and Western-aligned governments united by concerns over its role as a pro-Hamas propaganda vehicle. In 2024, Israel formally banned Al Jazeera from operating within its borders, citing national security concerns during an active war. The Georgia Tech Library directed its students to this outlet as a resource.

Then there is UNRWA — the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees. UNRWA has long been a troubled institution, criticized for decades over its operational entanglement with Hamas in Gaza. But the events of October 7, 2023 brought those concerns into devastating focus. In January 2024, Israel presented evidence to the United Nations that at least twelve UNRWA employees had directly participated in the October 7th Hamas massacre — one of the deadliest terrorist attacks in the 21st century. Some were alleged to have taken part in the kidnapping of hostages. Others were accused of facilitating the attack’s logistics. The United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, Australia, Canada, and several other major donors immediately suspended funding to UNRWA pending investigation. A subsequent independent review led by former French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna found that UNRWA had insufficient mechanisms to prevent Hamas infiltration of its staff and operations. The agency that the exhibition recommends as an educational resource employed people who helped murder and abduct Israeli civilians.

B’Tselem describes itself as an Israeli human rights organization, and it does produce documentation of conditions in the West Bank and Gaza. However, it has faced sustained criticism — including from within Israel — for methodology that critics argue is selectively applied, and for political framing that routinely omits Hamas’s role in civilian harm. Its characterization of Israel as an “apartheid state” — a legally and historically contested claim — has been adopted wholesale by anti-Israel advocacy groups worldwide and rejected by numerous legal scholars and Middle East analysts. B’Tselem receives significant funding from European governments and progressive foundations, raising questions about the independence of its conclusions.

Finally, 972 Magazine — named after the international dialing code for Israel and the Palestinian territories — is an openly advocacy-driven publication. It does not present itself as neutral journalism. Its contributors and editorial line consistently reflect a far-left anti-Zionist perspective, and it has published pieces that have drawn accusations of providing platforms for narratives sympathetic to Palestinian militant movements. In October 2023, the magazine faced sharp criticism for its framing of the Hamas attack and its aftermath. Like B’Tselem, it is a legitimate subject of debate — but it is not a neutral educational resource, and presenting it as one to university students without disclosure is academically irresponsible.

What is most striking about this list is not what it includes — it is what it excludes. There are no links to Israeli government sources, no mainstream Western news organizations, no peer-reviewed academic histories of the conflict, no resources representing Jewish or Israeli perspectives. The “Palestine Resources” slide is not a reading list. It is a curated ideological funnel, pointing students toward a carefully selected ecosystem of sources — state propaganda, a UN agency with documented Hamas infiltration, and advocacy publications — while presenting it all under the institutional imprimatur of the Georgia Tech Library.

In journalism, we call a source list that includes only voices pointing in one direction a bias. In academia, we call it a failure of intellectual integrity. At Georgia Tech, apparently, they call it an exhibition.

The “Humanity in Crisis” exhibition was not an isolated incident on Georgia Tech’s campus. It was one piece of a larger pattern — a steady drumbeat of events that, taken together, paint a troubling picture of extremist-adjacent activism operating in plain sight at a publicly funded university, shielded from the scrutiny that Georgia taxpayers deserve.

Fig. 5 — Instagram post by @raraforliberation thanking @gt.jfp and @gt.msa for the April 11 “Run for Palestine” event and directing donations to @thepcrf.

On April 11th, Georgia Tech hosted a 5K “Run for Palestine.” The donations collected that day were directed to a single recipient: the Palestinian Children’s Relief Fund, known as PCRF.

The name sounds unimpeachable. Children. Relief. Fund. But a closer look at PCRF reveals an organization that has spent decades accumulating a deeply troubling record of associations, partnerships, and ideological alignments that go far beyond humanitarian work.

PCRF was founded in 1991 by Steve Sosebee, a journalist whose public statements have long reflected a virulently anti-Israel worldview. Sosebee has described Israel as a terrorist state, publicly championed the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement — a Hamas-inspired initiative aimed at delegitimizing and ultimately dismantling Israel as a Jewish state — and has claimed that the U.S. government and media are manipulated by what he calls a “Zionist lobby.” In October 2023, days after Hamas murdered 1,200 Israelis and abducted 250 hostages, Sosebee accused Israel of “genocide in Gaza” — before Israeli troops had even entered the territory. He departed as PCRF’s president in December 2023, amid intensifying scrutiny of the organization’s activities and partnerships.

But the leadership is only the beginning. The web of associations surrounding PCRF is, upon examination, extraordinary.

From its founding through 2001, PCRF worked closely with two partner organizations: the Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development and the Global Relief Foundation. Both had their assets frozen by the U.S. Treasury Department for funneling money to Hamas and al-Qaeda respectively. A third PCRF partner, the International Islamic Relief Organization, was raided by the FBI for financing Hamas, al-Qaeda, and Egyptian Islamic Jihad. In 2003, the U.S. Department of Justice published a bulletin noting that the unofficial Hamas website contained a hyperlink directly to the Palestinian Children’s Relief Fund. In 2004, the Holy Land Foundation — whose assets had been frozen by the U.S. Treasury for funneling money to Hamas — attempted to make a $50,000 donation to PCRF. According to NGO Monitor,^{[8, 14]}

PCRF was also named in declassified Hamas documents as an organization subject to Hamas directives, listed as a donor to a Hamas-affiliated rehabilitation association. According to NGO Monitor,^[14]

The hospital connections are equally alarming. PCRF operates the pediatric cancer unit at Al-Rantisi Children’s Hospital in Gaza — a hospital founded in honor of Hamas co-founder Abd al-Rantisi. In November 2023, the IDF released evidence of Hamas infrastructure discovered at that very hospital — explosives, suicide vests, and a motorcycle used in the October 7th attacks, hidden in the building’s basement. ^{[15] [14]}

The partner network extends further. PCRF partners with Islamic Relief Palestine, which Israel outlawed for funneling money to Hamas; the Gaza Zakat Committee, managed by Hamas preacher Hazem Al-Sirraj; and American Muslims for Palestine, which praised the October 7th massacres as “Palestinian resistance.” In 2019, PCRF partnered with the Gaza Ministry of Health to open a pediatric cancer department — a Hamas-controlled entity. ^{[16] [14]}

The fundraising events themselves have drawn scrutiny. In November 2023, a PCRF Tampa fundraiser featured Hatem Fariz as a speaker — a man who, in 2006, pleaded guilty to providing material services to Palestinian Islamic Jihad, a designated terrorist organization. ^[14]

None of this appeared in the promotional materials for Georgia Tech’s April 11th 5K. Students were invited to run, donate, and feel good about helping children. What they were not told is that their donations were heading to an organization with three decades of documented ties to U.S.-designated terrorist groups, Hamas-affiliated partners, and leadership that publicly celebrated Palestinian violence while Israeli families were still identifying their dead.

This is what is being organized on the campus of a publicly funded Georgia university. Not in the shadows — in broad daylight, with institutional co-sponsorship, student club backing, and the quiet approval of an administration that has yet to answer a single question about it.

Georgia taxpayers are funding a university. The question is: what is the University doing with that funding?

References

Primary Institutional Sources

1. Georgia Tech Library Instagram (@gtlibrary). Promotion of the “Humanity in Crisis” exhibition, April–May 2025. instagram.com/gtlibrary. Cited as institutional co-sponsor; described exhibit as “student created work.”

2. Georgia Tech Muslim Students Association (MSA). Humanity in Crisis student exhibition, displayed through May 20 at the Georgia Tech Library, Atlanta, GA. Exhibition slides cited directly in document; no public URL preserved.

News & Media Organizations (Referenced in Exhibition’s Resource Slide)

3. Al Jazeera Media Network. Founded 1996, Doha, Qatar. State-funded broadcaster. aljazeera.com. Listed as a “Palestine Resource” in the exhibition. Banned or restricted by Israel (2024), Saudi Arabia, UAE, Egypt, Bahrain, and Jordan.

4. 972 Magazine. Tel Aviv/Jerusalem. Openly advocacy-driven publication with anti-Zionist editorial perspective. 972mag.com. Listed as a “Palestine Resource” in the exhibition.

Human Rights & Relief Organizations (Referenced in Exhibition)

5. B’Tselem — The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories. Jerusalem, Israel. btselem.org. Listed as a “Palestine Resource.” Receives significant funding from European governments. Describes Israel as an “apartheid state” — a characterization disputed by numerous legal scholars.

6. UNRWA — United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees. unrwa.org. Listed as a “Palestine Resource.” In January 2024, Israel presented evidence that at least 12 UNRWA employees directly participated in the October 7, 2023 Hamas attack. Multiple nations suspended funding pending investigation, including the U.S., U.K., Germany, Australia, and Canada. Independent Colonna Review (2024) found insufficient mechanisms to prevent Hamas infiltration of staff.

Organizations Referenced in the April 12 Run for Palestine Event

7. Palestinian Children’s Relief Fund (PCRF). Founded 1991 by Steve Sosebee. Canton, Ohio. pcrf.net. Recipient of donations from Georgia Tech’s April 12 “Run for Palestine” 5K. Event co-organized by Georgia Tech chapter of Doctors Without Borders, the Dars Initiative, and the Georgia Tech Medical Robotics Club.

8. Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development. Assets frozen by U.S. Treasury Department for funneling money to Hamas. justice.gov — Treasury Asset Freeze Notice. Former PCRF partner organization (through 2001). In 2004, attempted a $50,000 donation to PCRF after asset freeze.

9. Global Relief Foundation. Assets frozen by U.S. Treasury for financing al-Qaeda. Former PCRF partner organization (through 2001).

10. International Islamic Relief Organization (IIRO). Raided by FBI for financing Hamas, al-Qaeda, and Egyptian Islamic Jihad. Former PCRF partner organization.

11. Islamic Relief Palestine. Outlawed by Israel for funneling money to Hamas. Current PCRF partner organization.

12. American Muslims for Palestine (AMP). U.S.-based advocacy organization. ampalestine.org. PCRF partner. Praised October 7, 2023 Hamas attacks as “Palestinian resistance.”

13. Gaza Zakat Committee. Managed by Hamas preacher Hazem Al-Sirraj. PCRF partner organization.

Research & Investigative Sources Cited in Document

14. NGO Monitor. Palestinian Children’s Relief Fund (PCRF) — Profile. Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs. ngo-monitor.org/ngos/palestine_children_s_relief_fund_ohio_/. Primary source cited in document for PCRF’s partner network, Hamas documentation, hospital connections, and fundraising event associations. Cited multiple times.

15. Global Disconnect / Substack. “Marine or Gaza Activist? The Network.” globaldisconnect.substack.com/p/marine-or-gaza-activist-the-network. Cited regarding Al-Rantisi Children’s Hospital and IDF discovery of Hamas infrastructure.

16. Aish.com. “Should the NFL Tolerate Support for Hamas?” aish.com/should-the-nfl-tolerate-support-for-hamas/. Cited regarding PCRF’s partnership with American Muslims for Palestine.

Legal & Government Records Referenced

17. U.S. Department of Justice. Bulletin noting the unofficial Hamas website contained a hyperlink to the Palestinian Children’s Relief Fund. Published 2003. justice.gov. Referenced in document as documentation of Hamas-PCRF web association.

18. Hatem Fariz guilty plea, U.S. District Court. Pleaded guilty 2006 to providing material services to Palestinian Islamic Jihad (designated terrorist organization). Fariz appeared as speaker at a PCRF Tampa fundraiser in November 2023.

19. Colonna Review — Independent review of UNRWA commissioned by the United Nations. Led by former French Foreign Minister Catherine Colonna, 2024. Found UNRWA had insufficient mechanisms to prevent Hamas infiltration of staff. Multiple donor nations (U.S., U.K., Germany, Australia, Canada) suspended funding pending its findings.

1. First Amendment – Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses
GCPS may be implicated under the First Amendment of the United States Constitution, which guarantees both the Establishment Clause (prohibiting government endorsement or advancement of religion) and the Free Exercise Clause (protecting individual religious practice). Actions that designate a religious specialist as a primary consultant, or implement policies that appear to favor one religion, may constitute government endorsement of religion, raising constitutional concerns. Further, Georgia’s Constitution (Article I) protects the civil rights of students in public schools.

2. External Influence in Public School Decision-Making
The involvement of private individuals or external organizations in district-level decision-making, curriculum development, or policy recommendations—particularly when such actors are affiliated with a specific religious community—raises legal and governance concerns. Such involvement may:

Circumvent proper board procedures and transparency requirements under the Georgia Open Meetings Act (O.C.G.A. § 50-14-1 et seq.).

· Introduce impermissible external influence into the public school system, undermining neutrality in education.

3. Civil Rights Implications
Policies or practices that confer preferential treatment to students of a particular religion may implicate federal civil rights protections, including:

· Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, prohibiting discrimination on the basis of race, color, or national origin in programs receiving federal funding.

· Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, which requires public institutions to provide equal treatment and accommodations to all students, regardless of religious affiliation.

4. Summary of Potential Violations
The circumstances described suggest that GCPS may be at risk of:

· Violating the Establishment Clause by favoring a particular religion in policy or curriculum.

· Allowing external, non-public actors to influence public school governance inappropriately.

· Failing to uphold civil rights protections for students not affiliated with the favored religion.

Under Georgia law, the failure of school board members to involve the community or to conduct decisions with the full board’s participation can violate several specific legal provisions:

1. Georgia Open Meetings Act (O.C.G.A. § 50-14-1 et seq.)

· Requires that all meetings of public bodies, including school boards, be open to the public except for certain executive sessions.

· Requires proper notice of meetings to the public.

· Decisions must be made in meetings where a quorum of the board is present.

· Any discussion or decision made outside of a properly noticed meeting (e.g., via private gatherings or partial board action) may be declared invalid.

· Violations can lead to legal challenges and nullification of actions taken.

2. Georgia Open Records Act (O.C.G.A. § 50-18-70 et seq.)

· Supports transparency by ensuring public access to records related to decisions and meetings.

· Failure to document or share relevant information with the public can raise additional transparency issues.

3. Board Bylaws and Policies

· Georgia school boards are required to follow their own bylaws and policies for decision-making processes, which usually mandate full board participation and community engagement for significant decisions.

4. Fiduciary Duty and Governance Obligations

· Board members have a fiduciary duty to act transparently and in the best interest of the public and students. Ignoring community input and circumventing full board participation could constitute neglect of these duties.

Between February 9th and February 20th, parents in Gwinnett County Schools received the following emails:

These actions represent a departure from the Separation of Church and State for three primary reasons:

1. The Risk of Government Endorsement When a public school uses its official distribution channels—classrooms, folders, or email lists—to circulate brochures detailing the traditions of one specific faith, it moves from “education” into “promotion.” Under the Establishment Clause, the government must remain neutral. Distributing these materials to all students can be perceived as an official endorsement of one set of religious beliefs over others, which is exactly what the First Amendment seeks to prevent.

2. The Primary Purpose of School Facilities Our media room is a taxpayer-funded resource dedicated to literacy, research, and technology. When a room is set aside every single day to accommodate a specific religious need, it is effectively removed from the “public square” of the school and dedicated to a private religious purposes.

3. The Principle of Equal Access vs. Special Treatment The Constitution requires neutrality, not favoritism. If the school provides these specific accommodations for one faith, it creates a precedent where it must do the same for every other religious or secular group that makes a demand. By stepping into the role of “religious coordinator,” the school board invites unnecessary conflict and risks violating the rights of students who do not share those specific beliefs.

The goal of our public schools should be to provide a “level playing field” where no student feels like an outsider because of their faith—or their lack of it. By distributing religious literature and dedicating school rooms for purposes other than their designated purpose, the board is blurring the line that protects us all. I urge the board to return to a policy of strict neutrality, keeping religious instruction and practice where it belongs: in the home and in the house of worship.

The following video about accommodations was posted online by Sophia Jetpuri regarding Gwinnett Public Schools Ramadan accommodations:

Link to the video.

In a video dated February 11 on her Instagram story, she discusses the designation of permanent Ramadan prayer rooms in each middle and high school—amounting to approximately 60 spaces—and notes that certain elementary schools are included as well. While freedom of religion and reasonable accommodations for dietary needs and prayer are fully protected under the First Amendment, questions arise as to why this measure is being implemented as a district-wide initiative.

According to available statistics, 132 Ramadan meals were distributed to students across Gwinnett County Public Schools. Muslim students represent approximately 1 percent of the GCPS student population. This prompts the question of whether the initiative is intended to promote inclusivity or whether it reflects a broader effort to advance a particular religion and its beliefs among students.

The information shared publicly has raised significant concerns regarding the credibility of these decisions, including who made them, the extent of public input, and whether they warrant further investigation.

Ms. Naviwala introduced current Ramadan implications and modifications to Gwinnett County Public Schools, and states on her LinkedIn profile that she is a Community Partner of Gwinnett County Public Schools as a part of the GCPS TAP Committee.

The following information is concerning, as GCPS’s own policies regarding TAP contain statements that differ significantly.

In Gwinnett County Public Schools (GCPS, also referred to as Gwinnett Public Schools), the relevant group matching “TAP committee” appears to be the Teacher Advisory Council (TAC), often abbreviated as such in official district documents. This is a district-level advisory body comprised of teachers, and references to “TAP” in some contexts (e.g., older documents or user shorthand) likely refer to this same entity or a similar teacher advisory panel/council.

According to the GCPS Personnel Handbook (multiple editions, including recent ones like 2025-2026 and prior years):

• The Teacher Advisory Council (TAC) is composed of one teacher representative from each school in the district.

• These representatives are teachers (certified educators serving in teaching roles at individual schools).

Membership eligibility and selection:

• Members must be teachers (typically classroom teachers or school-based educators).

• One representative per school, implying selection or election at the school level (often with principal support or involvement, as noted in some district references where teachers serve with principal endorsement).

• Teachers can serve up to two terms on TAC, with support from their principal (as referenced in district advisory descriptions).

• It is not open to non-teachers (e.g., parents, community members, students, or non-teaching staff); it is specifically a teacher representative body.

• The focus is on representing teachers district-wide, so eligibility centers on being an active, qualified teacher in a GCPS school.

Sophia Jetpuri is not an employee of the public school system, and her involvement raises legitimate concerns regarding the propriety of influencing or making recommendations to the District School Board. The participation of a private individual in district-level decision-making warrants review for compliance with established governance and transparency standards.

Additionally, the proposed accommodations raise constitutional concerns under the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment, which prohibits government endorsement or advancement of a particular religion. While reasonable religious accommodations are protected under the Free Exercise Clause, any action that could be interpreted as preferential treatment may also implicate the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and applicable federal civil rights laws.

According to her LinkedIn profile, Sophia Jetpuri was listed as a faculty member at Al Falah Academy.

As far back as 2021, Ms. Sophia Jetpuri was posting about her interactions with Dr. Tarece Johnson-Morgan of the GCPS Board.

On her personal Instagram page, Sophia Jetpuri posted on September 30, 2022, regarding Ramadan accommodations in the equitable school calendar and solicited feedback from the community:

A limited group of individuals met on February 17^th 2026 to discuss the implementation of new policies and recommendations for the next school year under the name of GCPS Policy Committee.

Link to the video.

The participants in the meeting included Ms. Rachel Ruffin Stone (GCPS Board member), Dr. Tarece Johnson-Morgan (GCPS Board member), Dr. Al Taylor (Interim Superintendent), Patrick Burke (Interim Chief Facilities and Operations at GCPS), Sophie Jetpuri, as well as several individuals who are not public officials.

It is noteworthy that no committee under this name exists as a publicly recognized entity, and it appears to have been established solely by two Board members, Dr. Johnson-Morgan and Ms. Stone.

Gwinnett County Public Schools (GCPS) does not appear to have a standing, regularly scheduled “Policy Committee” (such as a dedicated Board Policy Committee) that meets on a fixed monthly or quarterly basis like some districts do. Instead:

• Policy review and development is primarily handled through an established internal process led by district administration (e.g., the Legislative & Educational Policy Administrator, contactable at 678-301-7031). Proposed policies or revisions are often tabled at the full Board of Education’s regular monthly Business Meetings for discussion, public input, and approval.

• The Gwinnett County Board of Education (the governing body) has authority over policies like BCAB (annual review and reaffirmation) and BD (ongoing maintenance and updates to ensure compliance with state laws). Policy-related matters, including public comment on proposed changes, typically occur during the Board’s monthly Work Sessions and Business Meetings.

• Board committees exist under Policy BCC (Board Committees Charter), adopted/updated around May 2025, which provides a framework for forming ad hoc or topic-specific committees as needed (e.g., for governance, specific initiatives, or issues like student discipline). These are not standing policy-focused committees but can be created for policy-related work. Committees must:

  • Be open to the public (per Open Meetings Act).

  • Have defined membership (including potential student, staff, community reps).

  • Set their own meeting cadence/schedule and agendas.

  • Report annually or as needed to the full Board.

  • The Board meets annually (or as needed) with the Superintendent to review committee work or establish new ones.

There is no evidence which points to a recurring “GCPS Policy Committee meeting” with set dates. Under Georgia law and Gwinnett County Public Schools (GCPS) governance rules, it does not appear to be legal for a “Curriculum Policy Meeting” (or any committee/subgroup that does not include all Board members) to implement or finalize changes to the GCPS curriculum without full Board of Education involvement and approval.

Link to the video

In addition to concerns regarding Sophia Jetpuri’s involvement in public school system decision-making committees and meetings, her conduct raises substantial questions about the designation of a Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) Islamic specialist as the principal consultant to the GCPS School Board. This arrangement appears to reflect an attempt to introduce Islamic education and religious beliefs into the public school curriculum, raising potential constitutional and policy issues.

Ms. Sophia Jetpuri-Naviwala is an ISLA Professional Programs Developer (https://theisla.org/sophia-jetpuri-m-ed/). What is her expertise or official role within the public school system? Her connection to ISLA raises concerns, as it appears inconsistent with the principle of separation of church and state in public schools.

ISLA (Islamic School League of America) maintains a close collaborative and partnership-based relationship with ISNA (Islamic Society of North America), particularly in the area of Islamic education:

• ISLA frequently participates in and presents at ISNA’s annual Education Forum (e.g., the 27th Annual ISNA Education Forum in April 2026 in Chicago, as well as prior West Coast editions), which promotes excellence in full-time and weekend Islamic schools through networking, professional development, and discussions.

• ISLA has been described in sources as collaborating with ISNA and the Council of Islamic Schools in North America (CISNA), which was founded via an ISNA-hosted symposium in 1989 and has long partnered with ISNA for professional development. Examples include joint events, shared platforms for educators, and mutual recognition.

According to a report from ISGAP¹, ISNA is part of a broader network in North America affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood, portraying it as an organization that supports the group’s long-term strategy of tamkeen (institutional entrenchment and empowerment) through civil society institutions, education, and community services. The analysis draws on authenticated Brotherhood documents, including the 1991 “Explanatory Memorandum,” which lists ISNA among entities involved in the “settlement” or civilizational jihad process, as well as historical network mapping.

Taken together, these connections raise the concern that this initiative may represent a broader effort to promote Islamic beliefs within the public school system, rather than a narrowly tailored effort to provide reasonable accommodations for religious freedom.

Parkview High School even accepted donations of prayer mats. This goes far beyond merely providing simple accommodations. Would the school similarly accept donations of Bibles? Sophia Jetpuri is listed as one of the Co-Presidents of the Parent Teacher Student Association at Parkview High School.

Adding to concerns about her underlying motivations, Ms. Jetpuri’s personal IG account contains a significant amount of Radical Islamic content and promotion of Sharia Law. She often refers her followers to the content of Omar Suleiman. Omar Suleiman is labeled by sources such as the Middle East Forum and Islamist Watch as part of ‘soft Islamism’ and associated with Islamist networks like MAS-ICNA, which have been criticized for promoting anti-Semitic content and hostility toward Israel.

In addition, Ms. Jetpuri participated in events organized or presented by the Council on American‑Islamic Relations (CAIR), which in 2025 was designated as a terrorist organization under the laws of the States of Texas and Florida due to alleged affiliations with Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood network operating within the United States.

Pinckneyville Middle School is completely breaching the principle of separation of church and state by promoting religion in a public school.

On their main page, when students log in, the following text appears:

Dear Pinckneyville Community,

In preparation for Ramadan (Wednesday, February 18, 2026, through Thursday, March 19, 2026) please be aware that Pinckneyville will have the following supports in place for those who wish to observe.

• Students will be allowed to pray in the grade level administrator’s office during Ramadan.

• Students will be allowed to go to the media center for lunch during Ramadan.

• Accommodations for physical education classes, including alternate activities and assurance that students will not be penalized if unable to participate due to fasting.

• Students observing Ramadan will have the opportunity for take-home meals provided by School Nutrition Program (SP) staff. (Students will pick up their meals at the end of the day from Mrs. Crayton in the cafeteria)

If you have any questions please do not hesitate to reach out to me directly

Mr. Marschke

The same message appears when students try to fill out a request to go to the bathroom. In order to do so, they must scroll through all the Ramadan rules and promotions again. They are required to read the entire text and cannot scroll past it without doing so.

This constitutes a clear violation of the separation of church and state under Georgia law (see the Georgia Constitution).

U.S. Constitution (Applies to Georgia Schools)

Public schools in Georgia must also follow the First Amendment’s Establishment Clause, which prohibits government entities from endorsing or promoting religion.

Key U.S. Supreme Court cases include:

· Engel v. Vitale – School-sponsored prayer in public schools was ruled unconstitutional.

· Abington School District v. Schempp – School-sponsored Bible readings were ruled unconstitutional.

1. Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy. The Muslim Brotherhood’s Strategic Entryism into Western Society: A Systematic Analysis. 2025, p. 123.

One article, released on January 28, 2026, by Free Beacon, focused on Qatar’s push for “social justice” lessons and Arabic-language instruction in U.S. K–12 schools. It also included information about foreign funding tied to Amana Academy in Fulton County. The report was produced by the Education and National Security program at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies.¹

Another article appeared in the Gwinnett Daily, analyzing the recently created Instagram account abolish.ice.georgia, which was involved in promoting and recruiting students to participate in the walkouts.

“The abolish.ice.georgia account follows other social media accounts encouraging student walkouts, as well as other political protest movements, including the Party for Socialism and Liberation and the Resistance Coalition, which says it is ‘supporting orgs and uniting comrades advertising protests, actions, and community events in Georgia.’ The latter two groups have been involved in various other protests, including those related to transgender rights, Black rights, opposition to Israel’s actions in Gaza, and the Stop Cop City movement, which has tried for years to stop the construction of a public safety training facility near Atlanta.”
— Gwinnett Daily

We decided to look further and analyze footage from several protests, as well as other social media accounts that actively promoted the walkouts. This raised the question of whether a specific individual (or group of individuals) may be initiating these protests in a way that connects the two articles above into a single, broader picture—one that brings together extremist agendas and social justice topics within high schools.

One account has been recruiting students for a protest scheduled for March 6 at 3:30 p.m. In a video posted Wednesday, January 28, 2026, the account directly addresses Gwinnett County high school students. The account belongs to Minatullah Hama (@m1nasmind) who says she is seeking an official permit for the event. She also created a separate account, @melttheicegcps, specifically to organize and recruit participants for the March 6 protest.

In one of her announcements, Minatullah Hama states that the subject of the protest “does not matter.” That claim raises questions about the event’s purpose, who is involved, and whether it could intersect with activist groups linked to previous demonstrations. It also prompts concern about the safety and appropriateness of high school students participating in activities connected to organizations such as the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL) and the Freedom Road Socialist Organization (FRSO).

On January 29, 2026, Minatullah Hama was observed speaking at a protest at Discovery High School. Video shows her recording student protesters at Berkmar High School. Witnesses also reported seeing Hama at Norcross High School; the situation appeared to escalate. School administration reportedly attempted to remove unauthorized individuals from the campus. Observers noted that large vehicles and other disturbances subsequently arrived, contributing to chaotic scenes on school grounds.

Her social media account currently does not display its followers, but records show that, several days earlier, it interacted with accounts such as @discowalkout and @dhswalkout, indicating a potential link to organized student protest activity.

Minatullah Hama is a student of Al Falah Academy in Norcross, GA. Al Falah Academy is a nationally accredited Islamic school serving students from Pre-K through 12th grade and following the principles of the Quran and Sunnah. Hama is also an active participant in MIST Atlanta, the largest Muslim youth competition in the United States. Social media analysis shows that the account associated with AFA MIST follows multiple Gwinnett County high school Muslim Student Associations (MSAs), including Brookwood, Peachtree, Central Gwinnett, Parkview, Lanier, and Duluth.

This raises a central question: why is Minatullah Hama serving as an organizer of the high school walkouts? And is Al Falah Academy playing a role in all those events?

Previous TikTok posts by Minatullah “Mina” Hama raise questions about the motivations of the protests. For example, her statement in reference to the killing of Charlie Kirk: “seeing the entire Internet care about one man’s death more than millions of kids is gut wrenching.” And, in another post: “hot people support Palestine.” Such comments prompt observers to ask whether her engagement reflects a focus on immigration and ICE enforcement issues or to drive broader support for the “free Palestine” and pro-Hamas movements.

Additional context has been drawn from a report by the Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy (ISGAP). The report states:

“The Muslim Students Association (MSA), which was established in part by Brotherhood members in 1963 and is explicitly identified in the Memorandum’s list of Brotherhood organizations, serves as the primary vehicle for campus influence. The MSA serves multiple strategic functions beyond simple student organization:
Ideological development: Campus MSA activities provide opportunities for intensive ideological indoctrination during the critical years of identity formation and potentially have a lifetime impact on students’ religious and political orientation.
Leadership identification: Through its activities, MSA identifies promising individuals for further development within the Brotherhood’s organizational networks.
Institutional positioning: MSA-led advocacy introduces Brotherhood perspectives into university policies on issues such as religious accommodation, speech codes, and curriculum content.
Coalition building: MSA chapters develop alliances with other campus organizations around shared tactical objectives, implementing the Memorandum’s directive that “there is no choice for us other than alliance and mutual understanding of those who desire from our religion and those who agree from our belief in work,” and its emphasis on mastering “the art of ‘coalitions,’ the art of ‘absorption’ and the principles of ‘cooperation.’”²

In a separate video, Minatullah Hama discussed democratic governance in the United States and the recent election of Zohran Mamdani, a Muslim politician, while making broader statements about political systems. Hama stated:

“These people don’t even understand that Sharia is the only form of Government that has literally worked flawlessly when implemented perfectly. If we look back countless times in history, anytime Sharia Law has existed, the economies have flourished and societies have been more than happy. They are so content with their form of government because it works.” The remarks highlight Hama’s expressed views on Sharia law in comparison to Western democratic structures.

There are serious questions for school administrators and the GCPS Board regarding why outside agitators were allowed on school property. Who are these individuals, and were they properly investigated? The safety of students should be the top priority, and allowing external activists onto campus raises significant concerns.

The Gwinnett County Police Department should carefully consider rejecting the permit for the March 6th event, as it could expose students to the influence of extremist movements. This is not a partisan issue—Democrat versus Republican—but a matter of Western values and the defense of future generations’ right to freely hold conservative or liberal beliefs.

Hama’s role in recent protests, combined with her creation of the account @melttheicegcps to organize and recruit students for future actions, raises additional questions about the level of coordination behind these walkouts. Observers are left wondering whether these protests are focused on specific educational issues or are part of a broader political agenda reaching into high schools.

Further scrutiny is warranted regarding the role of accounts and groups such as The Resistance Coalition (https://resistancecoalition.univer.se/) and Lamour Georgia (https://www.activismatlanta.org) that are also involved with abolish.ice.ga

1. https://freebeacon.com/campus/qatar-is-pushing-for-social-justice-lessons-and-arabic-classes-in-us-k-12-schools/?fbclid=IwY2xjawPsufRleHRuA2FlbQIxMABicmlkETFrak44aWlSWnZsdmtoVzl4c3J0YwZhcHBfaWQQMjIyMDM5MTc4ODIwMDg5MgABHvDpUgth8SmC3RtN4A9nyRljX3t_6QZ5fFeH9OfJWvntqPsnGWLHlHHyqDss_aem_wi7KxIc1vL39w54S0fhazQ

2. https://isgap.org/post/2025/11/the-muslim-brotherhoods-strategic-entryism-into-western-society-a-systematic-analysis-analytical-briefing/